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Wild salmon culinary traditions

Wild salmon culinary traditions

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Wild salmon culinary traditions -

The allure of salmon as a royal delicacy was further heightened by the elaborate preparations and presentations that accompanied its serving, showcasing the culinary skills and creativity of the chefs and kitchen staff. The consumption of salmon at these grand feasts was not merely a matter of sustenance but a statement of social standing and sophistication.

Its inclusion in the menus of royal and noble gatherings elevated the status of salmon to that of a prestigious and coveted ingredient, reserved for the elite and privileged few. The rarity and desirability of salmon as a centerpiece of these feasts contributed to its association with luxury and extravagance, firmly establishing its place in the culinary traditions of the medieval and Renaissance aristocracy.

As a symbol of wealth and refinement, the presence of salmon in medieval and Renaissance feasts reflected the intricate social hierarchies and cultural values of the time. Its consumption was not only a gastronomic experience but also a reflection of the power dynamics and social rituals of the aristocratic class.

The allure of salmon as a royal delicacy during this era continues to resonate with its enduring reputation as a luxury food item in contemporary culinary culture. During the 17th to 19th centuries, the trade of taste underwent a significant transformation, with luxury food items becoming increasingly sought after and valued commodities.

This period marked a time of exploration, colonization, and global trade, which had a profound impact on the availability and desirability of certain foods. Salmon, a prized delicacy, was no exception to this trend, as it became a highly coveted item in the international marketplace.

The 17th century saw the emergence of a burgeoning global trade network, with European powers establishing colonies and trading posts in distant lands. As a result, exotic and luxurious goods, including salmon, were transported across oceans and continents, creating a demand for these rare and prestigious items among the elite and affluent classes.

The trade routes that facilitated the exchange of goods also played a crucial role in shaping the culinary preferences of different regions, leading to the integration of salmon into the diets of diverse cultures.

Salmon commerce during this era was characterized by the development of sophisticated trading systems and the establishment of specialized markets for luxury food items. The demand for salmon transcended national borders, leading to the creation of intricate supply chains that connected distant regions and facilitated the distribution of this prized commodity.

As a result, salmon became synonymous with opulence and refinement, symbolizing wealth and status for those who could afford to indulge in its exquisite flavors.

The 19th century witnessed further advancements in transportation and preservation techniques, enabling salmon to be transported over longer distances without compromising its quality. This technological progress, coupled with the growing appetite for luxury goods, fueled the expansion of salmon commerce on a global scale.

The trade of taste, encompassing salmon and other coveted delicacies, became an integral part of the burgeoning consumer culture, shaping the culinary landscape and influencing the gastronomic preferences of societies worldwide. The 17th to 19th centuries marked a pivotal period in the evolution of salmon commerce, as it transitioned from a regional specialty to a coveted luxury item with international appeal.

The trade of taste played a central role in shaping the cultural significance of salmon, elevating it to a symbol of prestige and refinement in the culinary world. The rise of farmed salmon marks a significant shift in the history of this prized food item.

Historically, salmon was primarily sourced from rivers and oceans through fishing, making it a delicacy that was limited by natural availability. However, the development of salmon farming techniques revolutionized the accessibility and production of this luxurious food.

Norway played a pivotal role in pioneering modern salmon aquaculture, developing techniques for raising salmon in controlled environments.

This innovation allowed for the mass production of salmon, transforming it from a rare and expensive luxury to a more widely available delicacy. The rise of farmed salmon also had a profound impact on the global market.

As the demand for salmon grew, particularly in Western countries, salmon farming expanded to other regions such as Scotland, Chile, and Canada. This globalization of salmon production not only made it more accessible to consumers worldwide but also diversified the flavors and characteristics of farmed salmon based on the unique environmental conditions of each region.

Umatilla tribe bases land-management strategy on preserving foods. Tribal Salmon Culture Salmon are at the center of the diets, cultures, and religions of Columbia Plateau tribes. Salmon Culture of the Pacific Northwest Tribes.

Salmon are part of our spiritual and cultural identity. Over a dozen longhouses and churches on the reservations and in ceded areas still use salmon for their religious services. The annual salmon return and its celebration by the tribes assure the renewal and continuation of human and all other life.

Historically, we were wealthy peoples because of a flourishing trade economy based on salmon. For many tribal members , fishing is still the preferred livelihood.

Salmon and the rivers they use are part of our sense of place. The Creator put us here where the salmon return. We are obliged to remain and to protect this place. Salmon are indicator species: As water becomes degraded and fish populations decline, so too will the elk, deer, roots, berries and medicines that sustain us.

Shuswap women also dried salmon by roasting the flesh on a stick over an open fire [2, 3]. They fermented salmon roe underground for two weeks; the resulting liquid was sometimes boiled. It is also reported that they dried salmon by the sun, wind, by hot indoor air, or by smoking it, and used salmon oil, which was stored in salmon skins [4, 5].

Salmon roe was packed in bark and stored underground. It is reported that at some point, the Shuswap took over the Lillooet salmon supply. Whereas Lillooet and Shuswap consumed dried or fresh salmon [3], Spuzzum Fraser Canyon dried salmon []. Among the Lillooet and Shuswap, salmon with a lower fat content were chosen for drying, because fatty salmon became rancid over time.

Salmon was dried on racks made from fir and stabilized with rocks, nails, or wires. Racks were installed with an orientation that took advantage of the wind.

Salmon was salted to repel flies, and all parts that contained fly eggs were disposed of. Dried salmon was sometimes ground with a stone and mixed with salmon oil and Saskatoon berries.

Dried salmon was stored in underground caches; it was packed in birch bark to avoid humidity, grass and pine needles prevented mice from entering and juniper berries were used to repel insects.

Salmon heads were consumed fresh, and when dried for storage, they were roasted first to avoid rancidity. Salmon oil was extracted by boiling mainly salmon heads, as well as roe and insides, and then was stored in salmon skins. Salmon roe was dried for preservation, allowed to ferment, and then stored underground in birch baskets.

Fermented roe was stewed with tiger lily roots, wild potatoes and dried Saskatoon berries. Salmon bones were also consumed. Alpine cultures dried salmon to feed hunters when they were out hunting, and cultures from the River Valley dried salmon on racks that were owned by a single family.

Fresh salmon was roasted in an oven dug into the earth that belonged to three or four families. Thompson air-dried the fish and boiled it in ditches to extract its oil [67]. Before salmon was consumed, the Thompson of British Columbia sometimes soaked it for several days to let it ferment before cooking [94].

One method of preparing this soaked fish was by mashing it with a rock or wooden tool, and frying it in a fat mixture. They also consumed the tails roasted over fire. The Thompson are also reported to have used elevated caches to store salmon. The Kwakiutl dried or roasted their salmon, and most often accompanied it with oil [22].

Dried salmon was consumed roasted, soaked sometimes directly in the river then sometimes boiled with a kettle or fire, or eaten as is. Baked dried salmon was consumed for breakfast, and sometimes, spoons were used to eat the fish.

Salmon heads were steamed in a pit of hot stones with water poured over, and then consumed on top of and covered with skunk cabbage leaves. Salmon roe was consumed dried with salmonberry sprouts or fern roots- if not it was believed that one would feel sick.

Fresh salmon roe was roasted on a hot stone. Salmon was sometimes shared during a feast amongst friends, invited by the man with the permission of his wife. On some occasions, the husband would participate in the cooking. The guests sang songs while the food was being prepared.

Other reports of the Kwakiutl showed that they consumed salmon roe dried, accompanied with oil [], and that they traditionally used a smokehouse to smoke salmon for storage [26]. Salmon was also roasted over the fire, sun-dried or more recently stove-dried, and smoked in a smokehouse [24].

They consumed it silently, dipped in eulachon oil, using their fingers. Another report showed the Kwakiutl dried salmon for preservation, and was cooked over the fire before being consumed [27]. Fresh salmon was roasted over a fire on a spit or a thong, steamed on rocks, or boiled.

Salmon roe was consumed roasted or fresh, and oil was recovered from roasting salmon. The Chilcotin obtained most of their fish from trades with the Bella Coola and the Shuswap, processing it for storage.

The Kitimat Haisla preserved fish by drying it under the sun or smoking it []. They also boiled it in wooden containers or baskets, using the hot stones method. Among the Haida, women prepared the fish, drying them via sun or smoke, then storing them in baskets made from bark [10].

Salmon roe was also dried, and eaten in a creamy preparation achieved by grounding and mixing it with water, or in cakes that were poached with sorrel and berries.

Salmon oil was extracted by boiling and by applying pressure using the arms and breast of a woman. The Haida dried their salmon, wrapped it in bark, and stored it in a box []. They also consumed fermented salmon roe, and stored it in boxes to be ripened.

They dried or smoked salmon to preserve it; dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. Care was always taken to ensure the salmon was undamaged by insect eggs, sunburn, improper hanging, improper cutting techniques, etc.

Traditional cutting tools were made from stone, bone, tooth, or shell. The Nishga consumed dried salmon with oil extracted from fish or marine mammals [41].

The Tsimshian smoked salmon for storage [81], and the prehistoric Locarno Beach Culture Type from the Strait of Georgia in Southern British Colombia stored salmon for winter use [85].

Among the Carrier, the women prepared the salmon, drying it for later use []. The Carrier of Bulky River dried salmon for storage [96]. Carrier women prepared the fish; drying salmon, or ripening salmon heads in the lake over a few weeks, then boiling them using hot stones to extract the oil.

Oil was stored in salmon skins and consumed with berries. Salmon was dried for winter use, and oil was extracted from the heads by boiling them in a spruce bark vessel with hot stones and water [45].

When available, the Tlingit consumed salmon fresh, or else dried or smoked it; the head was consumed raw []. Salmon preparation was performed by women: it was boiled by the hot stone method, hung off the roof or put on sticks and roasted on an open fire, steamed in a pit by pouring water over hot stones, or hung to dry and brought to the smokehouse afterwards.

Heads and tails were smoked as well. After one of these two methods, a second purification step was achieved, after which the remaining oil was stored in bladders or boxes. Salmon oil was consumed with dried fish. They were also reported to have dried or smoked salmon for storage [].

The Tsetsaut [29] and Tutchone [53] dried salmon for later use, and the Inland Tlingit [] stored it as well. Among the Tanana, salmon was dried for storage in subterranean caches [59]. Han women were responsible for salmon preparation, including drying it under the sun for storage, roasting or smoking it [].

They also dried salmon roe for storage in king salmon skins, or mixed it with hot water and left it to ferment. For Champagne and Aishihik in the Yukon, salmon was cooked or dried [].

People of the Yukon sometimes prepared salmon as a loaf, which was regarded as a modern way of cooking [78]. They consumed salmon roe as a prized source of food. The Ahtna women preserved it by drying and packaging the fish in bundles of forty [61]. The Ingalik dried and smoked salmon on racks for storage [16].

The Tanaina smoked and dried salmon for storage, boiled it in wooden containers using hot stones, and stored it as pemmican mixed with marrow and berries. Although the Chalkyitsik Kutchin dried salmon for preservation, they usually gave it as well as dried salmon roe to the dogs [17].

For human consumption, they braised salmon on hot coals, or roasted it over an open fire. Its insides were sometimes consumed fried or poached; however the heads and insides were not consumed when the fish was cooked whole.

The Kutchin of the Yukon Flats cut salmon up to allow for proper drying, which was done for preservation []. Indigenous People from Chilkat River in Alaska dried salmon using smoke, or consumed fresh salmon tails and heads, either boiled or steamed [31].

Cultures from the Circumpolar area mainly prepared salmon for storage, including Iglulik Inuit []. During the hunting season, Central Inuit who stayed in the village consumed salmon. Labrador Inuit used caches to stockpile salmon [76].

Inuit dried fish under the sun, their heads were cooked and consumed, and the fins and backbones were given to dogs [98]. Another report described Inuit drying and consuming salmon with seal oil, and in Cape Prince of Whales, they consumed salmon that had been buried in the sand to ferment, until several cases of food poisoning were reported [99].

Those living in the Bering Sea region also used salmon to feed dogs. The Esquimaux consumed fermented salmon []. Nunivak Yupik consumed fish poached, frozen, or dried under the sun; they did not smoke salmon []. The Lower Kuskokwim consumed dried salmon during the winter [74]. Chugach and Nunivak Island Yupik consumed salmon roe.

Chugach stored salmon roe that was previously dried or fermented, grinding before storing it for fermentation. The fermented roe was consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat.

The Siberian Chukotka Coastal peoples smoked their salmon [92]. Micmac consumed salmon stewed, fried in bear grease roasted over a fire, or either sun-dried or smoked to be stored [43].

Another report of Micmac stated they dried and smoked salmon for storage [44]. The Montagnais of the St. Lawrence River consumed salmon with spoons made for fish eating [51].

The Beothuk dried salmon before consumption [48]. The Penobscot smoked and dried salmon, or roasted fresh salmon over a fire []. Malecite stored salmon that was previously smoked or salted in containers made of birch bark [18].

The Nootka and Quileute used salmon as bait for halibut fishing []. The liquid resulting from roe fermentation was used as cold medicine by the Shuswap [2]. The Carrier used salmon skin for bags to store oil and fats [45].

The Okanagan prayed to the chief salmon to thank him for their bounty [1]. Boys were only allowed to assist in the feast if they were old enough to participate in the preparation. Several taboos existed regarding salmon.

Women were not allowed within a ½ mile to the weir, unless a powerful man accompanied them and the first salmon ceremony was complete. It was believed an epidemic of smallpox would occur if a significant quantity of spawned salmon turned white.

Women sometimes dreamed of information that would help their husband catch fish. Fresh salmon or getting close to a salmon trap was forbidden to any person who suffered from recently losing a close relative, or a man whose wife was pregnant with his first child.

It was forbidden to swim close to a weir, women and children could not eat salmon head or tail, and a human skeleton, or salmon head or intestine could not be thrown into the river. It was believed that if a woman did not respect a taboo, she would scare the salmon away and suffer from menstrual pain.

The Kutenai held a yearly fish festival: for the lower Kutenai it was not specific to salmon, whereas for the upper Kutenai it was to celebrate the arrival of the first salmon [39]. According to the Carrier of Bulky River, teenage girls were not allowed to drink from a river where salmon was fished, because it was believed the fish would not return [96].

Traditionally, people of the Fraser River did not put salmon refuse into the water because it was believed the fish would not come back []. The villagers were then invited to do the same. At Celilo Falls, a legend said that the coyote allowed salmon to run freely in the river by demolishing damns that were built by the five Swallow Sisters; each spring, the sisters announced the return of the Chinook salmon.

A similar legend existed among the Okanagan Salish, but the sisters were named the Spotted Sandpipers. Because cultures of the Pacific Coast believed salmon was immortal, they always put its bones back into the water to ensure the salmon lifecycle would continue.

If a salmon with a crooked mouth was caught, it had to be exorcised and put back in the river. At times dreams brought information to fishermen, who performed spiritual rituals during fishing, including songs personal to the man. The Squamish carried out a first salmon ceremony in which a ritualistic individual and the children participated.

Among the Haida, girls were not allowed to consume salmon for the five years following their first period, and were required to avoid seeing a jumping salmon, because it was believed that salmon availability would decrease [11]. For the Masset Haida, a pubescent girl was not allowed to look at drying salmon, because it was believed that it would make her eyes red and inflamed as she became older.

Natives of British Columbia held a first salmon ceremony, where the fish was caught, handled, and cooked according to a precise ritual, depending on the tribe [95].

They believed that in doing so, the salmon spirit would be freed and allowed to come back the following year. The Haida did not have a ceremony as important as the other tribes. The Tsimshian [81], Takelma [89], Mid-Columbia Indians [] as well as the East Sanetch, Comox, Squamish and West Sanetch [] also held a ceremony for the first salmon.

Inuit of Baffinland and Hudson Bay Cumberland Sound had many beliefs surrounding salmon: they believed the salmon had a very powerful soul, and that breaking a salmon taboo would bring about great sickness [37].

Salmon was cooked in a pot used exclusively for that purpose. Boots worn for walrus hunting could not be worn for salmon fishing, and boots were forbidden until the first salmon was fished, also caribou and walrus were not allowed to be in the same boat.

When eating, if salmon broth was spilled, the person responsible had to imagine that he or she vomited it, because it was believed that wasting food brought bad luck. Nugumiut of Frobisher Bay believed salmon and walrus could not be consumed on the same day.

Nuu-chah-nulth of Vancouver Island []. Tidal weir likely used in small bays. Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth []. Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, and no other village was allowed to fish from that trap. The traps were able to be adjusted depending on the height of the water.

The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and be stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. Men would then kill the fish with spears or clubs. Chum salmon was very important to some cultures, and less so for other. For example, the fish was reported to have been the most prized species for the Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth [].

By contrast, the Han generally fed this fish to the dogs, only consuming it in times of scarcity []. The Chalkyitsik Kutchin of Alaska consumed chum salmon if its flesh was red, otherwise it was given to the dogs [17].

Chum salmon was highly valued by the Haida for their the kind and amount of fat, big size, eggs and availability in late fall; this was especially true in the Queen Charlottes []. Among the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw , chum fishing was the marker of the end of the fall harvest [23].

The Southern Tutchone who lived near Burwash would catch fish at Tipi Tincup Lake, along a division of the White River []. The Yukon Indigenous Peoples had chum available to them along the Yukon River in September; these were not as fatty as compared to those in lower Nisling and Stewart, Pelly, Little Salmon and Big Salmon rivers [].

They were also available on the Alsek River. In October, Maquina chief in the Nootka Moachat confederacy and his group moved to an abundant chum salmon fishing site over 30 miles from the coast [].

Maquina held all rights to the fishing site, and so all fishermen were required to give some of their catch to him. The Southern Tutchone near Burwash used to catch salmon at Tipi Tincup Lake, along a division of the White River [].

Chum salmon was available to the South western Coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia []. The Nuxalk had abundant supplies in the Bella Coola River [, ]. Salmon was available to the Coast Salish only in the lower Fraser River below the town of Hope and in the Harrison River [].

The Kyuquot traditionally used spears, but this method was slowly decreasing in popularity []. Among the Tahltan, weirs were outlawed at the beginning of the 20th century, but this ban was lifted in the later part of the century [].

The fishing method used by the Central Coast Salish depended on the size of the stream and how clear the water was []. Among the Northern and Central Nootka, salmon spearing was taught from a very early age, and so was not seen as a skill or luck, but as a commonly used fishing method [].

If harpooning from a canoe, the harpooner positioned himself in the stern, and when he harpooned a fish, it was handed to his steering partner, who brought the fish into the canoe and clubbed it to death.

Northern cultures draped a robe made from cedar bark over their head using an outstretched arm to create a patch of shade over the water to make it more visible. Central tribes claimed a rain hat was sufficient in making the water visible. The Vunta Kutchin had individually owned nets, where fishermen would catch fish for his family only.

Nets were checked twice a day. Fishing partnerships sometimes occurred, either to share in the fishing duties, or where one person fished, and the other was responsible for collecting supplies. Older men fish all season, whereas hunters only put nets in the water during the largest run [].

Among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta in Alaska, fishing post rights were not required due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River []. Many different cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, while some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish.

Nuu-chah-nulth []. Kyuquot women usually prepared the salmon. It was consumed raw, baked, boiled, smoked either fresh or preserved , dried, canned or jarred. Salmon was cooked over an open fire on a stick, or on hot coals [].

The Southern Okanagan stored salmon in the attic of the house, except if it had been frozen before being brought to camp, in which case the fish was consumed immediately [].

The Tahltan women prepared the salmon fresh, dried, or boiled in birch bark containers using hot stones []. Fish flesh was dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick. Smoke was used to dry all parts. Dried fish was stored for later use in a cache packed with bark.

Fresh salmon and salmon roe were braised before being wrapped in bark. Salmon heads and roe were consumed fermented: the head was stored in the ground, protected by branches and leaves, while the salmon roe was stored in a bark vessel.

Both were left for several days. Salmon heads were highly valued for consumption, while bony parts were given to the dogs. Knives with blades made from obsidian and later on steel were used for salmon butchering: it is believed that women made these knives.

The cultures of Southeast Alaska Tlingit consumed chum salmon dried and smoked, soaked in sea water, or boiled fresh []. Dried or smoked salmon was consumed with seal oil, and fresh, boiled salmon was sometimes consumed with seal or ooligan oil.

Salmon heads were consumed, fermented, boiled or baked; salmon roe was consumed fermented while larger eggs were poached with black seaweed and accompanied by seal or ooligan oil. Salmon that was caught in late autumn was preserved frozen and stored in a cache. Thawed salmon could be smoked, giving a strong-flavored meal that was not enjoyed by everyone.

Every individual had his own manner of cutting the salmon before smoking; because the cut was so unique to each person, a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card. The Kwakiutl had numerous preparation methods [22]. The butchering technique used was based on the specific treatment of the salmon i.

fresh or dried , and was done by women, as were all other tasks related to food preparation or preservation. Meals and food were prepared on mats, while men gathered wood for fire. Chum salmon was dried for later use, or roasted fresh on tongs made from red pine wood and shared amongst friends.

A salmon with white skin meant that it had already spawned, and was not stored, but roasted as well. Salmon was split in half to be hung for drying; how it was hung up depended on its stage of drying. It was sometimes consumed with oil during the drying process.

Tails and backbones were dried together, and then stored separately for later use. The backbone was soaked before being consumed, and if eaten fresh, it was roasted using tongs that had previously been rubbed with the fish intestines.

The heads were roasted either on the beach if the cheeks were to be preserved, or if not, close to the house, and consumed for lunch. Heads were also steamed in a pitch, lying over and under a layer of skunk cabbage leaves. Hot stones covered the bottom of the pitch, and water was poured over them.

Sometimes heads were boiled fresh in a kettle, and these were sometimes consumed as part of a feast with friends. Cheeks were dried and preserved for later, while other edible parts were shared amongst the entire community.

A fisherman host would invite the chiefs to consume these cheeks. Chiefs were also invited to consume boiled fresh chum salmon: it was eaten with spoons, without oil, and as dinner only. The person of the highest rank said a prayer before they ate. Boiled chum salmon was served as an ordinary meal with family as well.

Both the pectoral and anal fins were dried for winter use, and were consumed for lunch or dinner; they were soaked for several days before being boiled. Refuses from fresh salmon were thrown back into the water, and the insides were put back at the mouth of the river to ensure fish would come back the next season.

Chum salmon that were speared were not consumed in the morning. Salmon roe was stored in a box or in a seal bladder. It was fermented and consumed boiled, accompanied with oil: this meal was prepared by men, and was not consumed in the morning. Ground roe was consumed with salmonberry or fern roots.

Another report stated that the Kwakiutl consumed preserved chum salmon roe [27]. Another report stated that because chum was much drier, it was consumed with oil []. It was consumed at any time of the day, although they were more hesitant to have it in the morning when it was considered that the fish fat would make people lethargic.

The Gitksan Gitxsan woman prepared the fish [28]. Care had to be taken to ensure the salmon was not damaged with insect eggs, sun burn, being hung improperly, being cut with improper cutting techniques, etc.

Traditional cutting tools were made of stone, bone, tooth or shell. Chum salmon was soaked when smoked, or else it hardened too much. Dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. Cultures from the northeast coast dried chum salmon and stored it in baskets inside the house, or else roasted it on tongs, with or without its tail [14].

The eggs were stored underground in a hole lined with maple leaves, and left to ferment over two months. They were then consumed as is or as part of a soup. Chum salmon was thought to be a good fish to preserve, due to its fat content. The central coast Salish preserved chum salmon by smoking in a smokehouse [25].

Smokehouse ownership had important social impact. It was reported that chum salmon lasted longer through winter. The Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk also smoked salmon [13].

The People of the Yukon [78] and the Ingalik [55] dried chum. Chum salmon caught in autumn was preferred by Tsimshian for smoking due to its low fat content at that time [81].

The Chugach Yupik ground chum salmon roe before fermenting it for storage; it was then consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat []. Puget Sound consumed the fish fresh or split open the fish before it was dried [].

The Ulkatcho-Carrier roasted the fish over a fire on tongs []. These eggs were harder to bite. It was reported elsewhere that this culture smoked chum meat for winter storage [].

The Coast Salish preferred chum over other types of fish because it was regarded as a fattier fish, and so lasted longer []. They smoked chum salmon in smokehouses, although preserving and storing it was a limiting factor: the amount and size of drying racks, the fuel needed to produce smoke, and the amount of storage boxes all limited the amount of fish that was preserved each year.

Another report stated the Coast Salish consumed it dried, smoked, or canned []. Bouchard and Kennedy reported that chum salmon was likely barbecued on a three foot stick made from red cedar [].

Women also prepared it to be smoked for winter storage- it was stretched using thin pieces of red cedar made by the men, and hung on the smoking racks using a similar stick.

They were smoked over a fire of alder wood for a week, piled and dried further by heat, and then tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because excess smoke would turn the salmon black.

Fish eggs were considered a delicacy when prepared for preservation: they were put into a bag made from deer stomach that had been turned inside out and cleaned. It was closed and put onto a rack inside the smoke house, and was massaged every day by women; the result was a cheese like substance.

The eggs were put in and covered with leaves, then soil, and left for a number of months. When uncovered, the eggs were boiled with a bit of cold water until it was the texture of pancake batter. If the eggs were whole when first collected, they were dried in the smoke house by hanging them from a rack and rotating them every day.

This resulted in eggs that were hard on the outside but not on the inside, and so they were not cooked before consumption. They were then tied to each other with a rope made from cedar bark or stinging nettles.

The Tahltan consumed chum fresh: a welcome meal after the long winter []. Tanaina women were responsible for the cutting and drying of salmon []. The Bering Strait Yupik cut the fish open, slashed them, and then dried them on racks made from driftwood [].

The Tlingit considered chum a good species of fish for drying []. Similarly, de Laguna reported that most of the fish caught by the Tlingit was dried and smoked for winter []. The fish were slit, dried by the sun and smoked. Women performed these duties, with the help of men and slaves.

Fish heads were used to obtain grease. Certain Tlingit women possessed a level of high status within the community, and it was likely due to the control over salmon, a key source of sustenance. Women marked their batch of fish to distinguish it from others, and each kept theirs apart in the cache.

To ensure the fish would return, it was believed important to either put the fish waste back into the water, or to burn it. Among the Northern Coast Salish, fish caught in October and November was dried by smoking: it was considered very good for long-term storage [].

Fish caught by the Central Coast Salish during the fall had to be smoked inside of a house in order to be preserved []. The Nootka consumed chum fresh, smoked, dried, or canned []. It was reported that the northern and central Nootka preferred this fish for preservation due to its low fat content, as well as its availability during the time when winter stores were being prepared [].

Eyak women of the Copper River Delta in Alaska were responsible for preparing and smoking the fish []. People of Port Simpson Tsimshian salted and smoked chum salmon [].

Cultures had a variety of beliefs concerning chum salmon. The Nootka used a chum salmon head to rub themselves before they went fishing for cod or halibut [34].

A male and female chum salmon were painted, and the people would sing a song. The Chinookan of the Lower Columbia held a ceremony for the first chum salmon, but by the middle of the 19th century, the ceremonies were not as important [88]. Kwakiutl women said a prayer after the first chum salmon was caught [22].

Once the first salmon were caught, the fisherman invited the chiefs of the village to consume them. A prayer was said before consumption, and fresh water was consumed after. This was also done when it was preserved for storage. Coast Salish belief was that the chum salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house [].

Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that the Indigenous Peoples knew very well. The Spokane are reported to have caught coho salmon in large quantities []. Coho salmon is reported to have been available to the Southern Tutchone at Little Klukshu Lake [] and to the Yukon Indigenous Peoples along the Alsek River [].

The fish is said to have been available to the south western coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia River [].

The Nuxalk had abundant supplies of coho in the Bella Coola River; the fish was a primary food source for them [, ]. Among the coast Salish, coho was available in Straits waters [], the Fraser, Lillooet, Quesnel Rivers, as well as the North Thompson and branches of Shuswap Lake [].

Spawning occurred in Black Lake []. They were born in fresh water, migrated to salt water early in life, and returned to fresh water to spawn then die []. Coho breeding occurred in Squamish streams that were connected to the ocean [].

Coho was only available to the Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth in certain streams; they stayed in lower breeding areas during their first year, which enabled the Nootka to have fresh fish during the winter [].

It is reported that the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw fished for coho towards the end of the fishing season [27]. In the following table, the ethnographic information is presented in a table format, to assist the reader.

Please see other salmon entries for alternate text presentations. The traps were adjustable depending on the height of the water. The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and become stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell.

The Thompson N'laka'pamux consumed pink salmon, also known as humpies and hump-backed salmon, when other salmon species were scarce [94]. The Lillooet did not originally have access to pink salmon, until the addition of fish ladders made the migration possible.

This salmon was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw areas, although amounts varied immensely from year to year [].

Because this type of salmon matures in its second year of life, there was usually a much larger run in odd-numbered years as compared to even. Pink salmon was more abundant along the coast, therefore the Middle Columbia River Salish acquired this fish via trade [].

They were available to the Northern Coast Salish during mid-July in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and would continue on to the southern shore of Vancouver Island, San Juan and Southern Gulf islands, Point Roberts, and the Fraser [].

Once in the Fraser, the Halkomelem, Squamish, and some cultures from the Northern Straits came to fish. Pink salmon was rare on the Chenalis and its branches, and was most likely not a native species of that area for the Southwestern Coast Salish [].

It was available to the Coast Salish in large amounts in lower areas of the Fraser River, and some were also found in Seton and Nicola Rivers []. Millions of pink salmon were reported to be available in these areas every odd-numbered year, with hardly any during even-numbered years.

They were available from August through October, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River, and stopping at Bridge River. Other reports stated that Brem Bay was the main location for fishing the first pink salmon run [], and that they were also available in Straits waters [].

Pink salmon is said to be the most important food source for the Straits people. It was sometimes available to St. Laurence Island Yupik []. It was reported that cultures from the northwest coast caught pink salmon from the Fraser River drainage [], and that the Thompson people consumed pink salmon at Nicola River [67].

Pink salmon was available to the Coast Tsimshian from late July to early August [91]. It was available to the Bella Coola Nuxalk from August through September [], and during the spring and summer in another report [].

A small run was available to the people of Nuiqsut in beginning in August [], whereas it was reported to be available to the Squamish every two years during the month of September []. The Katzie Coast Salish had a salmon run that began later in July, with spawning occurring in September in most small streams [].

Availability for the Tahltan was during the summer, where it was welcomed after the winter months []. Pink salmon was available to the Tanaina during the summer at Cook Inlet [], and to Port Simpson Indigenous People during the summer [].

The Eyak fished for pink salmon from early May until November []. It was available every second year to the Shuswap; it was consumed during times of famine, but was not a preferred fish because its meat was too soft by the time it reached their up river fishing grounds [].

Pink salmon was not as available to the Southern Coast Salish as were other species []. Kyuquot were reported not to be fond of pink salmon []. It was consumed by the Tlingit, although it was less preferred than other species [].

The Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth run was quite small, and therefore not as important as other salmon []. In contrast, it was considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk, and was available to them along the Bella Coola River from late May through mid-July []. It was also considered the most important food source for the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, and was available from late June to early August, with the largest amount in mid July [].

Spawning occurred in all of the branches around Prince William Sound from late July to September. Various fishing techniques were employed to catch pink salmon.

Among the Tahltan, pink salmon was caught using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, as well as a gaff with a pole and detachable hook made from caribou antler or iron later on [].

A ban on the use of weirs was implemented at the beginning of the 20th century, but was lifted towards the end of the century. Cylindrical basket-like traps, spears, and hand nets were also used, as well as gill nets, which were notably used during the weir ban. Tahltan men were responsible for the fishing.

Lillooet occasionally fished for pink salmon using gill nets []. The Central Coast Salish fished for pink salmon during the summer at summer camps [25]. The Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets to catch pink salmon [7].

Each village possessed a trap along the Bella Coola River, with no other village permitted to fish from any other. Another report described the use of weirs to catch pink salmon []. The Coast Salish used nets to catch fish in the Fraser River [].

Prior to the twentieth century, pink salmon was caught by the Tanaina using weirs, basket traps, dip nets, and sometimes spears made from antlers with a single barb and detachable head []. The twentieth century brought gill nets, which replaced all other methods, with seining, set and drift nets also employed.

There's nothing like our halibut and it's culinarry Sprinting nutrition guidelines. Check it Wlld Some time Wild salmon culinary traditions 45, to 13, years ago, hunter-gatherers made their way across the Tfaditions land bridge from Siberia Importance of hydration what we now know as Alaska. These first Americans slowly migrated across the American continent. To sustain themselves, they at first collectively hunted land mammals. But at some time roughly years ago these early Americans began to fish for salmon in the Pacific Northwest. Typically, these early Americans would dry the salmon over wooden poles or they would make what we now know as salmon candy. Salmon, a Sprinting nutrition guidelines and Weightlifting fueling guidelines fish, has been a traditons in the diets Sprinting nutrition guidelines various cultures for centuries. Tradtions rich history and cultural significance make it a fascinating Sprinting nutrition guidelines for exploration. From the sakmon peoples of the Pacific Northwest to the traditional cuisines Sprinting nutrition guidelines Wold and Japan, salmon has played a central role in culinary traditions around the world. The preparation and cooking techniques of salmon have evolved over time, reflecting the diverse cultural influences that have shaped them. As we delve into the cultural exchange of salmon preparation techniques, we will uncover the historical roots, cross-cultural influences, and modern innovations that have contributed to the rich tapestry of salmon cuisine. Join us on a journey to discover the fascinating interplay of tradition, innovation, and sustainability in the world of salmon preparation.


The Scientific Difference Between Cooking Wild and Farmed Salmon

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